The FDA is Partly to Blame for Mylan’s EpiPen Price Gouging

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The new head of the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) selected by President Barack Obama has very close ties to the pharmaceutical industry.

Dr. Robert Califf, an FDA deputy commissioner and cardiologist at Duke University, has had considerable dealings, including financial ones, with drug manufacturers, whose products must be approved by the agency he’s been tabbed to lead.

“No one who knows him thinks he wants to weaken the regulatory agency he has been chosen to lead,” The New York Times reported. “But he has deeper ties to the pharmaceutical industry than any FDA commissioner in recent memory, and some public health advocates question whether his background could tilt him in the direction of an industry he would be in charge of supervising.”

Daniel Carpenter, a Harvard political science professor, told the Times: “In a sense, he’s the ultimate industry insider.”

– From last year’s post: Obama’s Nominee to Head the FDA Has Very Deep Ties to the Pharmaceutical Industry

In the past 24 hours, I’ve read two very interesting articles detailing how the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) is partly to blame when it comes to not just EpiPen price gouging, but drug price gouging in general.

The first piece is by someone whose work I’ve highlighted multiple times in the past, David Dayen. Let’s take a look at some of his observations in a recent piece titled, Here’s How to Stop Price Gouging by Drugmakers Like Mylan:

Generic drug manufacturer Mylan’s extreme price hike for the EpiPen soared to the top of the headlines last week. This product, consisting of an auto-injector devised by the U.S. military, combined with a $1 dose of epinephrine used to save the life of people suffering from a serious allergy attack, costs no more than $20 to manufacture. But since buying the rights to distribute the device, Mylan has raised the price of EpiPens from $57 each in 2007 to over $600 for a two-pack today. 

Numerous members of Congress have denounced Mylan’s actions and demanded hearings, as has Hillary Clinton. Even Sen. Joe Manchin, a Democrat whose daughter is Mylan’s CEO, said that he shares the concerns of his colleagues about prescription drug price gouging. 

But the government already has the power to prevent such behavior. They don’t need to pressure Mylan to “fix” the problem itself; they don’t even need to pass a new law. Multiple federal agencies could solve this simply by exhibiting the political will to use their authority to take on the drug companies. 

First of all, let’s point out that the EpiPen case is not an outlier. Mylan has made a habit of enacting triple-digit price increases on generic drugs in cases where it holds dominant market share. The EpiPen increases were a misfire because of the widespread use of the device: Mylan sold 3.6 million of them last year. In a way it’s more insidious for the company to jack up the price of obscure gallstone medication ursodiol by 542 percent, or gastrointestinal drug metoclopramide by 444 percent. Two U.S. senators don’t have kids that use these drugs, so the price gouging passes unnoticed. 

None of these drugs are improving; in many cases they are generic compounds that have been on the market for decades. But often, too few patients use these drugs to make it worthwhile for rivals to jump into the market, allowing incumbents to rake in profits. 

In the case of EpiPens, Mylan got lucky. It planned to raise the price before competitors arrived on the market, a common industry tactic to squeeze the last profits from a monopoly. But one competitor, the Auvi-Q, was recalled from pharmacies last year, and the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) rejected another potential alternative from Teva Pharmaceuticals this spring. Adamis Pharmaceuticals has been rejected twice, and plans to resubmit later this year. These missteps gave Mylan a longer monopoly, and it took full advantage. 

FDA reviews take time, and there is a particular backlog for approving generic drugs, meaning that there is unlikely to be a rival to EpiPen from another company until 2017 at the earliest. It’s certainly important to test prescription drugs for safety, and claims that the FDA’s approval process is too slow and clunky are actually dangerous and misleading (drug approvals in the U.S. are actually the fastest of any developed country in the world). However, the FDA does have the ability to both maintain its deliberate, evidence-based process and put an end to greedy drug company schemes.

The FDA can designate off-patent drug applications for priority review, moving them up in the approval queue.paper from February in the Journal of the American Medical Association by three researchers at Johns Hopkins University argued that “the FDA should prioritize review of applications for essential drugs that can have a major effect on competition and affordability.” The agency can do this because one of the factors for priority review is to “mitigate or resolve a drug shortage,” and breaking up a monopoly price gouger would have that impact. As Aaron Kesselheim of Harvard Medical School testified to the Senate in 2014, “the FDA should do everything in its current power to facilitate these new market entrants as quickly and as safely as possible.” 

But the John Hopkins researchers go further. They suggest that the FDA temporarily allow market competition in two ways during the priority review period. One would be bulk “compounding” of drugs, where a pharmacist supervises the combination of its individual ingredients. This would be perfect for the EpiPen, which is just a delivery mechanism for an already-approved dosage of epinephrine. Second, the FDA could allow the temporary importation of generic drugs approved in other countries while approval is pending for U.S. competitors in concentrated markets. This has been done before, in 2012, to deal with a shortage of cancer drug Doxil. 

With that appetizer out of the way, let’s move on to an absolutely fantastic article on the subject published at Slate Star Codex:

EpiPens, useful medical devices which reverse potentially fatal allergic reactions, have recently quadrupled in price, putting pressure on allergy sufferers and those who care for them. Vox writes that this “tells us a lot about what’s wrong with American health care” – namely that we don’t regulate it enough:

The story of Mylan’s giant EpiPen price increase is, more fundamentally, a story about America’s unique drug pricing policies. We are the only developed nation that lets drugmakers set their own prices, maximizing profits the same way sellers of chairs, mugs, shoes, or any other manufactured goods would.

Let me ask Vox a question: when was the last time that America’s chair industry hiked the price of chairs 400% and suddenly nobody in the country could afford to sit down? When was the last time that the mug industry decided to charge $300 per cup, and everyone had to drink coffee straight from the pot or face bankruptcy? When was the last time greedy shoe executives forced most Americans to go barefoot? And why do you think that is?

The problem with the pharmaceutical industry isn’t that they’re unregulated just like chairs and mugs. The problem with the pharmaceutical industry is that they’re part of a highly-regulated cronyist system that works completely differently from chairs and mugs.

If a chair company decided to charge $300 for their chairs, somebody else would set up a woodshop, sell their chairs for $250, and make a killing – and so on until chairs cost normal-chair-prices again. When Mylan decided to sell EpiPens for $300, in any normal system somebody would have made their own EpiPens and sold them for less. It wouldn’t have been hard. Its active ingredient, epinephrine, is off-patent, was being synthesized as early as 1906, and costs about ten cents per EpiPen-load. 

Why don’t they? They keep trying, and the FDA keeps refusing to approve them for human use. For example, in 2009, a group called Teva Pharmaceuticals announced a plan to sell their own EpiPens in the US. The makers of the original EpiPen sued them, saying that they had patented the idea epinephrine-injecting devices. Teva successfully fended off the challenge and brought its product to the FDA, which rejected it because of “certain major deficiencies”. As far as I know, nobody has ever publicly said what the problem was – we can only hope they at least told Teva.

In 2010, another group, Sandoz, asked for permission to sell a generic EpiPen. Once again, the original manufacturers sued for patent infringement. According to Wikipedia, “as of July 2016 this litigation was ongoing”.

In 2011, Sanoji asked for permission to sell a generic EpiPen called e-cue. This got held up for a while because the FDA didn’t like the name (really!), but eventually was approved under the name Auvi-Q, (which if I were a giant government agency that rejected things for having dumb names, would be going straight into the wastebasket). But after unconfirmed reports of incorrect dosage delivery, they recalled all their products off the market.

This year, a company called Adamis decided that in order to get around the patent on devices that inject epinephrine, they would just sell pre-filled epinephrine syringes and let patients inject themselves. The FDA rejected it, noting that the company involved had done several studies but demanding that they do some more.

Also, throughout all of this a bunch of companies are merging and getting bought out by other companies and making secret deals with each other to retract their products and it’s all really complicated.

None of this is because EpiPens are just too hard to make correctly. Europe has eight competing versions. But aside from the EpiPen itself, only one competitor has ever made it past the FDA and onto the pharmacy shelf – a system called Adrenaclick.

And of course there’s a catch. With ordinary medications, pharmacists are allowed to interpret prescriptions for a brand name as prescriptions for the generic unless doctors ask them not to. For example, if I write a prescription for “Prozac”, a pharmacist knows that I mean anything containing fluoxetine, the chemical ingredient sold under the Prozac brand. They don’t have to buy it directly from Prozac trademark-holder Eli Lilly. It’s like if someone asks for a Kleenex and you give them a regular tissue, or if you suggest putting something in a Tupperware but actually use a plastic container made by someone other than the Tupperware Corporation.

EpiPens are protected from this substitution. If a doctor writes a prescription for “EpiPen”, the pharmacist must give an EpiPen-brand EpiPen, not an Adrenaclick-brand EpiPen. This is apparently so that children who have learned how to use an EpiPen don’t have to relearn how to use an entirely different device (hint: jam the pointy end into your body). 

If you know anything at all about doctors, you know that they have way too much institutional inertia to change from writing one word on a prescription pad to writing a totally different word on a prescription pad, especially if the second word is almost twice as long, and especially especially if it’s just to do something silly like save a patient money. I have an attending who, whenever we are dealing with anything other than a life-or-death matter, just dismisses it with “Nobody ever died from X”, and I can totally hear him saying “Nobody ever died from paying extra for an adrenaline injector”. So Adrenaclick continues to languish in obscurity.

So why is the government having so much trouble permitting a usable form of a common medication? 

There are a lot of different factors, but let me focus on the most annoying one. EpiPen manufacturer Mylan Inc spends about a million dollars on lobbying per year. OpenSecrets.org tells us what bills got all that money. They seem to have given the most to defeat S.214, the “Preserve Access to Affordable Generics Act”. The bill would ban pharmaceutical companies from bribing generic companies not to create generic drugs.

Did they win? Yup. In fact, various versions of this bill have apparently failed so many times that FDA Law Blog notes that “insanity is doing the same thing over and over again and expecting different result”.

So let me try to make this easier to understand.

Imagine that the government creates the Furniture and Desk Association, an agency which declares that only IKEA is allowed to sell chairs. IKEA responds by charging $300 per chair. Other companies try to sell stools or sofas, but get bogged down for years in litigation over whether these technically count as “chairs”. When a few of them win their court cases, the FDA shoots them down anyway for vague reasons it refuses to share, or because they haven’t done studies showing that their chairs will not break, or because the studies that showed their chairs will not break didn’t include a high enough number of morbidly obese people so we can’t be sure they won’t break. Finally, Target spends tens of millions of dollars on lawyers and gets the okay to compete with IKEA, but people can only get Target chairs if they have a note signed by a professional interior designer saying that their room needs a “comfort-producing seating implement” and which absolutely definitely does not mention “chairs” anywhere, because otherwise a child who was used to sitting on IKEA chairs might sit down on a Target chair the wrong way, get confused, fall off, and break her head.

(You’re going to say this is an unfair comparison because drugs are potentially dangerous and chairs aren’t – but 50 people die each year from falling off chairs in Britain alone and as far as I know nobody has ever died from an EpiPen malfunction.)

Imagine that this whole system is going on at the same time that IKEA spends millions of dollars lobbying senators about chair-related issues, and that these same senators vote down a bill preventing IKEA from paying off other companies to stay out of the chair industry. Also, suppose that a bunch of people are dying each year of exhaustion from having to stand up all the time because chairs are too expensive unless you’ve got really good furniture insurance, which is totally a thing and which everybody is legally required to have.

And now imagine that a news site responds with an article saying the government doesn’t regulate chairs enough.

For prior articles on the shadiness/incompetence/cronyism of the FDA, see:

Obama’s Nominee to Head the FDA Has Very Deep Ties to the Pharmaceutical Industry

NYU Professor Uncovers How the FDA Systematically Covers Up Fraud and Misconduct in Drug Trials

Fraud Alert: FDA Allowed Drugs with Fraudulent Testing to Remain on the Market

The FDA is Caught Spying on its Employees and Creating an “Enemies List”

In Liberty,
Michael Krieger

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2 thoughts on “The FDA is Partly to Blame for Mylan’s EpiPen Price Gouging”

  1. FDA’s too busy trading……………Visium Hedge Fund Informant Recorded 125-Plus Conversations

    A former trader-turned-informant secretly recorded more than 125 conversations with former colleagues for hedge fund firm Visium Asset Management LP and others spanning more than 200 hours, according to a court filing.

    The informant, previously identified by Bloomberg News as junior trader Jason Thorell, spent more than two years cooperating with the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission and FBI. He stands to receive a payout under the SEC’s whistle-blower program. The court filing identifies him only as “CC-1.”

    The case began as an investigation into whether portfolio managers at the $8 billion firm were fraudulently inflating the value of holdings in its credit portfolio. But it subsequently expanded to allegations that the firm was trading health-care securities on insider tips received from a former official at the U.S. Food and Drug Administration.

    Stefan Lumiere, an assistant portfolio manager in the credit fund, is the sole remaining defendant in the case after two others pleaded guilty and the most senior executive charged, Sanjay Valvani, committed suicide.

    The court filing, submitted by Lumiere’s defense lawyers early Tuesday, asks a judge to suppress certain evidence seized in a raid of his apartment. It also seeks an order compelling the government to identify co-conspirators in the case, claiming there are others beyond the two brokers who have been cited in court papers as “Broker-1” and “Broker-2.”

    http://www.bloomberg.com//news/articles/2016-08-30/visium-hedge-fund-informant-recorded-125-plus-conversations

    Reply

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